Great New Career
This book was born out of the deep frustration the author felt while watching the 2011 Debt Ceiling debacle play out on TV. As it took shape, the President's approval rating fell to a low 36% and the Congressional approval rating plummeted to a miserable 14%. Needless to say, the mood of the nation was, and continues to be, one of general disgust for our elected representatives and a strong desire for change. The author, Eric J. Kiser, had finally had enough. Gathering a diverse group of friends around him, he formed the political action committee (PAC) "The League of Non-Aligned Voters." This political manifesto is his attempt to tell it like it is. The message: The American public seems to have forgotten how this country should work. Voters today are unhappy with the state of our union but still believe the answers to all our problems will be found with a politician already "working" in government. And, besides all evidence to the contrary, the voting public actually believes this career politician will be able to bring about the necessary improvements and reforms. The American people obviously have no idea how to go about achieving real change. If we did, we would not place our trust in a single candidate or one political party that claims to have all the answers. Meanwhile, these political parties have managed to herd a majority of Americans into two tidy little groups -- Liberal or Conservative. Red People or Blue People. Left or Right.-- Here they try to convince us that the fault for all our problems falls squarely in the lap of the opposition. Do we really believe that one party has all the answers or, that the other party is the cause of every problem on earth? I don't think so. Could it be that each side has some ideas or platforms that are good for America and some that are bad? This seems a little more accurate. But, the most likely scenario today is that both parties' share much of the blame for the problems in our current political system and both have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. This book has one simple goal in mind: To get more Americans thinking about how to regain control over the government again. This book suggests ways on how to do that by removing emotion from the equation and replacing it with logic, common sense and as much humor as we can muster. If we can just put away our partisanship long enough to remember a few basic concepts, then perhaps we can all come to a greater understanding of, and commitment to, the work that needs to be done, and why we better get to it before its too late. Remember; It was never supposed to be about moving the public to the "Left or Right." It's supposed to be about all of us moving "FORWARD!"
There are few figures in history who have individually exercised so great an influence upon events as William Wallace and Robert Bruce. It was to the extraordinary personal courage, indomitable perseverance, and immense energy of these two men that Scotland owed her freedom from English domination. So surprising were the traditions of these feats performed by these heroes that it was at one time the fashion to treat them as belonging as purely to legend as the feats of St. George or King Arthur. Careful investigation, however, has shown that so far from this being the case, almost every deed reported to have been performed by them is verified by contemporary historians. Sir William Wallace had the especial bad fortune of having come down to us principally by the writings of his bitter enemies, and even modern historians, who should have taken a fairer view of his life, repeated the cry of the old English writers that he was a bloodthirsty robber. Mr. W. Burns, however, in his masterly and exhaustive work, The Scottish War of Independence, has torn these calumnies to shreds, and has displayed Wallace as he was, a high minded and noble patriot. While consulting other writers, especially those who wrote at the time of or but shortly after the events they record, I have for the most part followed Burns in all the historical portions of the narrative. Throughout the story, therefore, wherein it at all relates to Wallace, Bruce, and the other historical characters, the circumstances and events can be relied upon as strictly accurate, save only in the earlier events of the career of Wallace, of which the details that have come down to us are somewhat conflicting, although the main features are now settled past question.
"David Kairys is one of the grand long-distance runners in the struggle for justice in America. His brilliant legal mind and superb lawyerly skills are legendary. This marvelous book is his gift to us "
"Philadelphia Freedom" is the spellbinding tale of an idealistic young lawyer coming of age in the political cauldron of the 1960s and 1970s. From his immersion in the civil rights movement to his determined court battles to quell criminal violence by Philadelphia police, Kairys recounts how he helped make history in the city of brotherly love."
"In the current climate of political deception and the trampling of our civil rights, Kairys's compelling book is a clenched fist, a prayer for social justice and a call to conscience."
"With engaging, insider stories of innovative legal strategies of a truly creative lawyer, this book evokes the ebullient spirit of progressive social change launched in the 1960s and should be read by aspiring and practicing lawyers as well as anyone interested in American social history. "Philadelphia Freedom" reads like a suspense novel and reveals how novel legal and political thinking can and does make a real difference to individuals and to the quality of justice."
"David Kairys's compelling book properly explains the vital role that civil rights attorneys play in our system of justice."
A memoir that is also a compelling page-turner, Philadelphia Freedom is the poignant, informative, often inspiring account of renowned civil-rights lawyer David Kairys's personal quest for achieving social justice during the turbulent 1960s and 70s.
Philadelphia Freedom brings us intimately and directly into Kairys's burgeoning law career and the struggles of the 60s as his professional and private life navigated the turmoil and promise of the civil rights and antiwar movements.
Many of the cases Kairys took on involved discrimination and equal protection, freedom of speech, and government malfeasance. Kairys is perhaps most well known for his victory in the Camden 28 draft board case, in which the FBI set up a sting of the Catholic anti-war left at the behest of the highest levels of government.
The stories and cases range from nationally important and recognizable---the family of the scientist the CIA unwittingly gave LSD in the 1950s; the leading race discrimination case against the FBI; Dr. Benjamin Spock's First Amendment case before the Supreme Court; the city handgun lawsuits Kairys conceived---to those he encountered in his early work as a public defender. The characters include public figures such as FBI Directors J. Edgar Hoover and Louis Freeh; CIA Director William Colby; Pennsylvania Senator Arlen Specter; New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer; U.S. Attorneys General Edward Levi and John Mitchell; Georgia Governor Lester Maddox; Pennsylvania Governor, former Philadelphia Mayor, and Democratic National Committee chair Ed Rendell; Philadelphia Mayor and Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo. But some of the most memorable are not well known, involving regular people caught up in the often heartless machinery of the courts and legal system.
Though it reads like a novel, with all the elements of character, plot, and suspense, Philadelphia Freedom also has historical significance as a firsthand account of the 1960s and 70s and contains social commentary about race as well as insights and major perspectives on the nature and social role of law.
David Kairys is Professor of Law at Beasley School of Law, Temple University. He was a full-time civil rights lawyer from 1968 to 1990.
This research project offers a new perspective on post-sixteen transitions. Combing secondary data with narrative accounts it describes how young people in the UK make choices at the end of their compulsory schooling and provides a dynamic model of decision-making and a thorough critique of current research in the area, beyond fashionable concepts.
This book is a major contribution to the study of the philosophy of action, moral philosophy, and political philosophy. Its central idea is a radically unorthodox theory of rational action. Most contemporary Anglo-American philosophers believe that action is motivated by desire. Professor Benn rejects the doctrine and replaces it with a reformulation of Kant's ethical and political theory, in which rational action can be determined simply by principles, regardless of consequences. The book analyzes the way in which value conflicts can be rationally resolved, the objectivity of value, the concept of moral personality, the principles of non-interference and respect of persons, the ideals of autonomy and community and various aspects of individual rights--focusing on the rights to freedom, welfare, and privacy.
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